As far as conservatives are concerned, 2012 is the year of anger and authenticity.

That’s the apparent theme this year as conservatives converged and rallied about Washington, D.C., this week for the annual Conservative Political Action Conference — otherwise known as “CPAC.” There are a number of meanings to CPAC, none as prominent as a chance for proud right-wingers of different ages and multiple stripes to meet, break bread and unify around a collective political message. But, the annual confab of red-meat values and no liberal-veggies-allowed holds even greater significance this year as Republican presidential primary candidates duke it out in the race for delegates.

Optically, the CPAC is an opportunity for conservatives, young and old, to rip off their shirts and perform a public toga party, including — but not limited to — bare-bottomed mooning of the “liberal elite media” and the rest of that pesky liberal crowd. But, it’s also a moment when establishment Republicans find creative ways to further co-opt the conservative brand, a quiet hacking of the red state movement through no-expense-spared messaging and a starting line-up of celebrities on the right.

The objective: defeat President Barack Obama in November.

That goal, given the rancor of the Republican primary season, may be a bit more difficult than in previous years. But, it’s no coincidence that despite the grassroots flavor and on-the-street confetti feel that CPAC typically embodies, the annual conference showcased a Who’s Who of Republican lawmakers: from Rep. Michelle Bachmann (R-Minn.) and Gov. Rick Perry (R-Texas) fresh off the campaign trail, to Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) and Virginia Attorney General Anthony Cucinelli; there was also Latino political sensation and whispered vice presidential running mate Sen. Marco Rubio (R-Fla.), joined by the Black Falcon of the Right, Rep. Allen West (R-Fla.). The list went on, a roll call of longtime Republican hacks, activists, honorees and wise men — all coming to Washington to kiss the conservative ring and lick the Tea Party boot.

And while their passionate hope for Obama’s political demise was the unifying theme or glue that held it all together, it was the unspoken return of the Republican Order, the Council of Party Sages slamming their gavels and putting rowdy conservatives on notice: “Get it together or we’ll be losing in November.”

Republican Psychology 101: Republicans love to win.

But, the road to Tampa Bay this summer, where the Republican National Convention is scheduled to take place, is now very ugly and strewn with the road kill of gaffes, attack ads and the emergence of Super PACs glowing like Death Stars over a George Lucas movie set. As CPAC shows, it represents an uncomfortable dawning of a new era for the Republican Party, and also the national political landscape this November.

An evolution is definitely taking place, and what’s unclear is whether or not it’s setting the stage for a White House comeback in 2012, or a long road to a conservative reset in time for 2016. Many observers compare this year’s GOP primary to the bloody one of 1976 when then Gov. Ronald Reagan (R-Calif.) declared a prolonged all-out internal war on incumbent President Gerald Ford. It left Ford so disoriented and exhausted that he ended up losing to Democrat Jimmy Carter.

But, Reagan returned in 1979 to pummel the incumbent, one-term President Carter and lead the country for two terms of office.

“This is a recalibration,” pondered one sweaty Republican strategist making a quick lunch run only moments away from the Marriott Wardman Park hotel in Northwest D.C. “Frankly, I’m not so sure about 2012 like the party faithful. But, what we’re doing now is necessary. It’s an exorcism that will put us in a good spot after Obama leaves in 2016.”

That exorcism is characterized by conversations over authenticity and pure Constitutionalism (despite some calls to change amendments in the Constitution). It is a moment where conservative politicians are feeling out the grassroots and attempting to burnish their ideological credentials. And the grassroots is not making it easy.

“The Republican Party had better understand here that the people who are not voting for Romney are not doing it because I’m telling them to,” boasted Rush Limbaugh during a radio segment earlier in the week. “They’re doing it because they genuinely have a problem with Romney. The establishment had better wake up and understand that Republican primary voters are doing this not just to stick a finger in the eye of the establishment, not just to be frivolous here. They’re sending a message.”

As soon as the Department of Labor unemployment numbers found their way into the market consciousness and floated away, Republicans were pulling out the social issue guns with gusto, eager to pounce on the president and congressional Democrats.

“It’s the 21st century and we need jobs. GOP, do you really want to spend the next 11 months talking about birth control?” asked a bewildered Stephanie Schirock, President of EMILY’s List, on Twitter.

Apparently yes. As if on cue, headlines and cable cameras began to pull the “Culture Wars” back into focus, a term the general public hadn’t heard for quite some time. One day the Susan G. Komen Foundation was pulling funding from Planned Parenthood, the next day it was a crusade on Capitol Hill against the Affordable Care Act’s provisions forcing contraceptives on religious institutions. No sooner had the first missiles in Culture War redux been fired than a dramatic ruling by a California federal appeals court overturned Proposition 8, the referendum on same-sex marriage in the state. Putting a cherry on the top of it was CNN’s suspension of contributor and TV One talk host Roland Martin after he came under fire from the Gay and Lesbian Alliance Against Defamation (GLAAD) for posting Super Bowl tweets about David Beckham underwear ads.

While it all left heads spinning, it was very real. Wedge issues made a comeback with a vengeance, a crazy emotional soup of catcalls, nasty adjectives and partisan name calling. Prior to the right wing pow wow of CPAC, it seems conservatives were using the primaries as platforms to that end, searching for the right candidate to push that message. It was all topped off by the mid-week stunning come-from-behind GOP primary caucus victories by former Sen. Rick Santorum (R-PA), who beat all other three Republican candidates combined.

“People want a nominee who doesn’t just talk a good conservative game, but actually lives it,” said Santorum.  “And has the record to prove it.”

Meanwhile, no longer was the economy in the spotlight as number one concern.

It should have been a week of media back slaps and kudos for the White House. Observers were cautiously optimistic as unemployment inched downward for another consecutive month – predictably so considering the political stakes. That Black unemployment fell two percentage points should have been a major headline; but, instead, it ended up a footnote consumed by banter over the Martin/CNN fiasco.

“We need to help workers regain their footing and bolster the recovery by extending the payroll tax cut for the remainder of the year and continuing unemployment insurance for workers who are counting on these benefits to make ends meet,” urged Rep. Elijah Cummings (D-MD) while looking over the Labor Department numbers. “Both of these policies put money in people’s pockets – boosting demand, creating jobs and strengthening our economy.”

And there was little love expressed for the nearly $30 billion settlement with predatory mortgage companies, the largest joint settlement in U.S. history; rather, pundits seemed more concerned with the rise of Santorum as the Culture War’s Spartacus, returning to bring the red blooded fight back.

“As the presidential election season heats up, the Obama Administration appears as if it’s driving to the end zone for a score with the GOP unwittingly playing zone defense,” observes Politic365.com economic policy expert Alton Drew. “Given the probable impact continued economic slowdown in Europe may have on trade, combined with the pressures our own debt and deficit may have on continued growth, scoring from the red zone will be difficult for the Administration. Americans may not be satisfied with a field goal either.”

The problem, however, is that the Republican zone defense may very well be more or less falling back on what it knows best: social issues. And that could create a double-edged sword for the President’s economic message.

A recent YouGov/Economist poll released to The Philadelphia Tribune shows the percentage of Americans feeling the country is “on the wrong track” has dropped 6 percentage points. “Though it is still a majority, it suggests that the declining unemployment rate, released on Friday, may be beginning to have an impact on public perceptions,” says YouGov’s Thom Riehle.

In addition, the YouGov poll shows Republicans and Democrats divided more than ever over both social issues and economics. The survey found 64% of Republicans believe abortion “should be mostly or always illegal” while 69% of Democratic voters think it “should be mostly or always legal.” On same-sex marriage: 67% of Republican voters oppose it; 54% of Democrats are in favor of it.

What could be emerging is a moment where any White House success on the economy could take that issue off the national plate as a matter of urgency. That gives the grassroots on the right breathing space to mobilize around what then-candidate Obama called “guns and religion” in 2008. White social conservatives and their counterpart mostly White progressives may be preparing for a Clash of the Ideological Titans over issues on the wedge. Where that leaves the unemployed and struggling is an open question that will find itself answered as the election approaches.